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Meghan to receive 1 pound for tabloid’s privacy invasion

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LONDON — The Duchess of Sussex will receive the nominal sum of 1 pound after a court found that Britain’s Mail on Sunday invaded her privacy.

The Guardian newspaper reported the figure Wednesday, 10 days after the Mail decided to forego further appeals and published a statement acknowledging that the American-born duchess, formerly known as Meghan Markle, had won her lawsuit.

The figure covers only the duchess’s claims for invasion of privacy. The Mail will pay another unspecified sum for infringement of copyright and lawyer fees, the Guardian reported, citing court documents.

The Mail on Sunday’s statement, which appeared Dec. 26, said “financial remedies have been agreed” but provided no details.

The settlement brings to a close a long-running lawsuit filed after the Mail on Sunday published a series of stories in 2019 based on a personal letter Meghan wrote to her estranged father after her marriage to Prince Harry.

“I think they just kind of cut their losses,’’ said Mark Stephens, a London attorney who wasn’t involved in the case, citing the seven-figure legal fees incurred by both sides. “So I think it probably was right of both parties to draw a line in the sand and … close this particular case.”

Meghan, a former actress, sued Associated Newspapers for misuse of private information and copyright infringement.

The newspaper’s lawyers disputed Meghan’s claim, arguing that she crafted the letter knowing it might be seen by the news media. Correspondence between Meghan, 40, and her then-communications secretary, Jason Knauf, showed that the duchess suspected her father might leak the letter to journalists and wrote it with that in mind.

After a lower court rejected the Mail’s arguments, the newspaper took the case to the Court of Appeal.

In the appeal, Associated Newspapers also argued that Meghan made private information public by cooperating with Omid Scobie and Carolyn Durand, authors of “Finding Freedom,” a sympathetic book about her and Harry.

The duchess’ lawyers had previously denied that she or Harry collaborated with the authors. But Knauf testified that he gave the writers information and discussed it with Harry and Meghan.

The information provided a dramatic twist in the long-running case. In response, Meghan apologized for misleading the court about the extent of her cooperation with Durand and Scobie.

The duchess said she didn’t remember the discussions with Knauf when she gave evidence earlier in the case, and had “absolutely no wish or intention to mislead the defendant or the court.”

Meghan and Harry have attracted intense media scrutiny ever since the earliest days of their relationship, which linked the second son of Britain’s Prince Charles with a U.S. television star.

In early 2020, the couple announced that they were quitting royal duties and moving to North America, citing what they said were the unbearable intrusions and racist attitudes of the British media. They have since settled in California with their two young children.

Copyright © 2022 The Washington Times, LLC.

Carl Bernstein, Looking Back at His Start, Conjures the Newsrooms of the Early 1960s

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Carl Bernstein’s new book, “Chasing History,” is his second memoir. His first, “Loyalties,” appeared more than three decades ago, in 1989.

“Loyalties” was about growing up in an idealistic and radical family — his father, a union organizer, had been a member of the Communist Party in the 1940s — under constant surveillance and harassment from the F.B.I.

His new one is subtitled “A Kid in the Newsroom.” It’s about how he fell in love with newspapering. As a teenager he was hired as a copy boy at The Evening Star, an afternoon daily in Washington, D.C.

It was the moment when his future forked. He felt he’d been handed a ticket to the rest of his life. The “glorious chaos” and “purposeful commotion” of a good newspaper appealed to Bernstein on a primal level.

He found a different kind of family at The Star. His own parents, in their idealism, had been distant figures. At the paper he discovered people who were “less complicated, less fraught.” He barely graduated from high school and dropped out of college.

Newspapering required different habits of mind.

Bernstein found “a haven in reporting, especially the way The Star went about it: proceeding without judgment or predisposition to wherever the facts and context and rigorous questioning led, to some notion of the truth in all its complexity. I liked that place. And the comfort and purpose it gave me.”

When I learned, a few months ago, that a Bernstein journalism memoir was coming down the tracks, I marked it as a must-read.

His Watergate reporting, with Bob Woodward at The Washington Post, brought down a presidency and inspired a generation of muckrakers. He was portrayed in movies by Dustin Hoffman and, less flatteringly, by Jack Nicholson. He was a dandy; he had top-flight hair.

His lively bachelordom was well chronicled. He jilted the beloved Nora Ephron, who delivered a version of their short marriage in her novel “Heartburn.” He’s been a big beast of the media world for five decades.

He’s forced to live the “Groundhog Day” nightmare of being asked, every time he turns around, if the latest outrage is “worse than Watergate.” At 77, he is entering his anecdotage. Who wouldn’t want to read about his sense of all these things, and to view his dashcam footage?

That’s not what “Chasing History” is. The book tells the story of his journalistic apprenticeship at The Evening Star, the Pepsi to The Washington Post’s Coca-Cola, from 1960 to 1965. He was in his teens and early 20s. It ends before he gets to The Post, and long before he sets eyes on Woodward or Ephron.

The result is a fond, earnest, sepia-toned book, the color of old clippings. It’s pretty good. I mean, it’s OK. It’s better than a sharp stick in the eye. It’s just … long and pokey and a bit underthought. I might not have finished it if my paycheck didn’t depend on leaving a clean plate.

Credit…Jonathan Becker

A lot happened in the world in the early 1960s, “Chasing History” reminds us: Russians in space; Bay of Pigs; the Cuban missile crisis; the March on Washington; John F. Kennedy’s assassination; the Beatles’ touchdown in the United States; the Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner murders in Mississippi; the Selma-to-Montgomery march.

Bernstein was thrilled to feel a part of these events by osmosis, as those in a newsroom do, even if his role was mostly taking dictation from reporters in the field. He describes these historical events in detail, as if few had written about them before.

He’s evocative about newsrooms themselves circa 1960: the books and papers, the gunmetal desks, the dirty Royal typewriters, the “hailstorms” of typing, the bulletins arriving, the printing press rumbling through the floor.

He made himself useful. He learned by following the grizzled old guys — they were mostly guys — around. He learned to cover fires, to talk to cops, to take good notes, to carry shotgun rolls of dimes for pay phones.

He’s good on the camaraderie he found. He was brilliantly hazed by a co-worker who told him, while Bernstein was wearing a beloved cream-colored suit, that he had to “wash” all the staff’s used carbon paper.

The Star’s staff included big characters, like the columnist Mary McGrory. Bernstein found his own younger crowd, among them the journalist Lance Morrow. This cohort rented a rambling house together.

“Working for The Star was a little like being part of a troupe of actors in a repertory company,” he writes, “all of us absorbed in the same project, all wrapped up in the stories, the work.” He continues: “We were smart, we never had enough money and we often had too much to drink.”

His enthusiasm was infectious. If he’d been a dog, his head would have always been outside the car window.

Bernstein attended the University of Maryland, but rarely went to class. There’s a measure of suspense in watching him try to avoid being drafted. He eventually joined an Army Reserve unit.

It rankles the author still that The Star recognized he had talent and energy but would not hire him as a reporter because he didn’t have a college degree. This was during a period when journalism, long seen as quasi-blue-collar work, was being invaded by dapper young men from the Ivy League.

“My view was that you might be better prepared by graduating from horticultural school than from Yale or Princeton,” Bernstein writes. “At least that way you could write the gardening column.”

I was a cub reporter once, and journalism memoirs to me are salted peanuts. “Chasing History” lacks the parched wit of Russell Baker’s “The Good Times” and the shrewdness of Mencken’s “Newspaper Days.” It doesn’t have the gruff charm of Pete Hamill’s “A Drinking Life,” the omnidirectional belligerence of Michael Moore’s “Here Comes Trouble” or the sparkle of Molly Ivins’s remembrances, to name a few that come to mind.

Had it run to 175 pages, “Chasing History” might have been a small classic. Bernstein makes journalism sound like what it is — a humble calling that can be a noble one.

His heart glows remembering his early days in the business, but he can’t quite make ours glow alongside his. If at 370 pages this book overstays its welcome, well, the kid was all right.

Supply Chain Woes Prompt a New Push to Revive U.S. Factories

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When visitors arrive at the office of America Knits in tiny Swainsboro, Ga., the first thing they see on the wall is a black-and-white photo that a company co-founder, Steve Hawkins, discovered in a local antiques store.

It depicts one of a score of textile mills that once dotted the area, along with the workers that toiled on its machines and powered the local economy. The scene reflects the heyday — and to Mr. Hawkins, the potential — of making clothes in the rural South.

Companies like America Knits will test whether the United States can regain some of the manufacturing output it ceded in recent decades to China and other countries. That question has been contentious among workers whose jobs were lost to globalization. But with the supply-chain snarls resulting from the coronavirus pandemic, it has become intensely tangible from the consumer viewpoint as well.

Mr. Hawkins’s company, founded in 2019, has 65 workers producing premium T-shirts from locally grown cotton. He expects the work force to increase to 100 in the coming months. If the area is to have an industrial renaissance, it is so far a lonely one. “I’m the only one, the only crazy one,” Mr. Hawkins said.

But as he sees it, bringing manufacturing back from overseas — a move often called onshoring or reshoring — has found its moment. “America Knits shows it can be done and has been done,” he said.

Some corporate giants are keen on testing that premise, if not for finished goods then certainly for essential parts.

General Motors disclosed in December that it was considering spending upward of $4 billion to expand electric vehicle and battery production in Michigan. Just days later, Toyota announced plans for a $1.3 billion battery plant in North Carolina that will employ 1,750 people.

Bringing manufacturing back to the United States was a major theme of former President Donald J. Trump, who imposed tariffs on imports from allies and rivals, started a trade war with China and blocked or reworked trade agreements. Still, there was little change in the balance of trade or the inclination of companies operating in China to redirect investment to the United States.

Since the pandemic began, however, efforts to relocate manufacturing have accelerated, said Claudio Knizek, global leader for advanced manufacturing and mobility at EY-Parthenon, a strategy consulting firm. “It may have reached a tipping point,” he added.

Decades of dependence on Asian factories, especially in China, has been upended by delays and surging freight rates — when shipping capacity can be found at all.

Backups at overwhelmed ports and the challenges of obtaining components as well as finished products in a timely way have convinced companies to think about locating production capacity closer to buyers.

“It’s absolutely about being close to customers,” said Tim Ingle, group vice president for enterprise strategy at Toyota Motor North America. “It’s a big endeavor, but it’s the future.”

New corporate commitments to sustainability are also playing a role, with the opportunity to reduce pollution and fossil fuel consumption in transportation across oceans emerging as a selling point.

Repositioning the supply chain isn’t just an American phenomenon, however. Experts say the trend is also encouraging manufacturing in northern Mexico, a short hop to the United States by truck.

Called near-shoring, the move to Mexico is paralleled in Europe with factories opening in Eastern Europe to serve Western European markets like France and Germany.

“We’re starting to see it in Mexico as well as in the U.S.,” said Theresa Wagler, chief financial officer of Steel Dynamics, a steel maker based in Fort Wayne, Ind. “Many companies now prefer security of supply over cost.”

Mr. Knizek of EY-Parthenon expects industries with complex and more expensive products to lead the resurgence, including automobiles, semiconductors, defense and aviation and pharmaceuticals. Anything that requires large amounts of manual labor, or that is difficult to automate, is much less likely to return.

For items like shoes or furniture or holiday lights, for example, “the economics are daunting,” said Willy C. Shih, a professor at Harvard Business School. “It’s hard to beat wages of $2.50 an hour.”

Although trade tensions and shipping delays are making headlines, Professor Shih added, China retains huge advantages, like a mammoth work force, easy access to raw materials and low-cost factories. “For a lot of what American consumers buy, there aren’t a lot of good alternatives,” he added.

But as the moves by auto and tech companies show, the United States can attract more sophisticated manufacturing. That has been a goal shared by Republican and Democratic administrations, including President Biden’s, which supports $52 billion in subsidies for domestic chip manufacturing.

“Incentives to help level the playing field are a key piece,” said David Moore, chief strategy officer and senior vice president at Micron. “Building a leading-edge memory fabrication facility is a sizable investment; it’s not just a billion or two here and there. These are major decisions.”

In the aftermath of the coronavirus and restrictions on exports of goods like masks, moving manufacturing closer to home is also being viewed as a national security priority, said Rick Burke, a managing director with the consulting firm Deloitte.

“As the pandemic continues, there’s a realization that this may be the new normal,” Mr. Burke said. “The pandemic has sent a shock wave through organizations. It’s no longer a discussion about cost, but about supply-chain resiliency.”

Despite the big announcements and the billions being spent, it could take until the late 2020s before the investments yield a meaningful number of manufacturing jobs, Mr. Burke said — and even then, raw materials and some components will probably come from overseas.

Still, if the experts are correct, these moves could reverse decades of dwindling employment in American factories. A quarter of a century ago, U.S. factories employed more than 17 million people, but that number dropped to 11.5 million by 2010.

Since then, the gains have been modest, with the total manufacturing work force now at 12.5 million.

But the sector remains one of the few where the two-thirds of Americans who lack a college degree can earn a middle-class wage. In bigger cities and parts of the country where workers are unionized, factories frequently pay $20 to $25 an hour compared with $15 or less for jobs at warehouses or in restaurants and bars.

Even in the rural South, long resistant to unions, manufacturing jobs can come with a healthy salary premium. At America Knits, a private-label manufacturer that sells to retailers including J. Crew and Buck Mason, workers earn $12 to $15 an hour, compared with $7.50 to $11 in service jobs.

The hiring is being driven by strong demand for the company’s T-shirts, Mr. Hawkins said, as well as by a recognition among retailers of the effect of supply-chain problems on foreign sources of goods.

“Retailers have opened their eyes more and are bringing manufacturing back,” he said. “And with premium T-shirts selling for $30 or more, they can afford to.”

A few years ago, Julie Land said she would naturally have looked to Asia to expand production of outerwear and other goods for her Canadian company, Winnipeg Stitch Factory, and its clothing brand, Pine Falls.

Instead, the 12-year-old business is opening a plant in Port Gibson, Miss., in 2022. Fabric will be cut in Winnipeg and then shipped to Port Gibson to be sewn into garments like jackets and sweaters. The factory will be heavily automated, Ms. Land said, enabling her company to keep costs manageable and compete with overseas workshops.

“Reshoring is not going to happen overnight, but it is happening, and it’s exciting,” she said. “If you place an order offshore, there is so much uncertainty with a longer lead time. All of that adds up.”

Toyota topped G.M. in U.S. car sales in 2021, a first for a foreign automaker.

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Credit…Sergei Karpukhin/Reuters

Officials from OPEC, Russia and other oil producers agreed on Tuesday to continue their program of gradual monthly output increases in February, bolstering output by 400,000 barrels a day, but there are growing doubts about whether they can deliver on the additional barrels.

A persistent failure to step up production according to a schedule approved in July is helping to keep oil prices relatively high, even though a surge in coronavirus cases from the Omicron variant threatens to dampen economic activity and oil demand.

A few producers in the 23-member OPEC Plus group, including Saudi Arabia and Iraq, are increasing output handily, but others are lagging. A range of issues, including political strife and underinvestment in drilling, are holding them back.

The slow ramp up in production could lead to tension with the Biden administration, which wants the producers to pump more oil in an effort to lower gasoline prices in the United States. Gas prices, nationally at $3.28 a gallon, are now about one-third higher than they were a year ago, according to the Energy Information Administration, a government agency, and contributing to rising inflation.

What Saudi Arabia decides to do is crucial. The most logical route to meeting the scheduled increases in output would be for Saudi Arabia, which now has most of the world’s extra capacity, to agree to produce more than its quota.

At this point, the dynamics in the oil market are working for the benefit of producers like Saudi Arabia who have kept investing in their energy industries. Reflecting Saudi interests in avoiding overproduction, a statement released after Tuesday’s meeting mentioned “the critical importance of adhering to full conformity” on quotas. There was no sign of concern about producing less than those allocations.

Saudi Arabia, the leader of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, has much to be pleased about. Saudi production is back around the 10-million-barrel-a-day level that the kingdom prefers, prices are relatively high, and Riyadh’s influence over oil policy is strong.

“If they didn’t have to deal with Washington, this would be a very optimal outcome,” said Helima Croft, head of commodities at RBC Capital Markets, an investment bank, speaking of large OPEC producers.

In November, the White House coordinated a planned release of strategic oil reserves with other nations in an effort to dampen the market, but prices have since edged up, and continued to rise on Tuesday. Brent crude, the international benchmark, was once again selling for more than $80 a barrel, while West Texas Intermediate, the American standard, topped $77 a barrel.

In the spring of 2020, the early days of the pandemic, OPEC Plus sharply curbed production by almost 10 million barrels a day, or almost 10 percent of world supply at the time.

Building output back up again has not been easy for several countries, including Nigeria and Angola.

In its December Monthly Oil Report, the International Energy Agency estimated that OPEC Plus fell short of its November target by 650,000 barrels a day, substantially more than the 400,000 barrels a day the group had planned to increase each month.

Even Russia, the group’s second-largest exporter after Saudi Arabia, appears to have hit a wall at about 9.9 million barrels a day, about 600,000 less than it pumped in April 2020 before the big cuts and well short of Russia’s 10.2 million barrel a day allocation for next month Saudi Arabia has the same quota. For Russia to increase substantially from here will require improved tax policies and the development of new fields, analysts say.

“Russia is temporarily near its limits,” said Bhushan Bahree, an executive director at IHS Markit, a research firm.

Nigeria, Africa’s largest producer, in November pumped 360,000 barrels a day below its quota — almost enough on its own to wipe out the agreed 400,000-barrel-a-day monthly increase for the overall group. “A poor regulatory framework, sabotage and vandalization of oil facilities” are deterring needed spending in Nigeria, the International Energy Agency said in its report.

Angola, another African country, is also pumping well under its quota, while Libyan production has recently fallen off rapidly because of political turmoil.

Poll finds 40% of Republicans view Jan. 6 as a very violent attack

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Less than half of people who identify as Republicans view the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol as a very violent event, according to a poll released Tuesday.

The poll by The Associated Press found that four in 10 Republicans say the riot, fueled by supporters of former President Donald Trump, was very violent or extremely violent.

The same survey showed three in 10 Republicans believe the riot was not violent, while another three in 10 found the attack somewhat violent.

A separate poll from The Washington Post and the University of Maryland showed 41% of independents saying that violence against governments is sometimes justified, while 40% of Republicans said the same.

Only 23% of Democrats in that survey said violence is sometimes justified against governments.

The polls come ahead of the first anniversary of the Jan. 6 Capitol riot on Thursday. More than 150 police officers were injured in the attack, and five people died, including a Capitol police officer.

Trump supporter Ashli Babbitt was shot and killed by a Capitol police officer.

The survey also found a stark contrast among parties, with nine in 10 Democrats viewing the riot as very or extremely violent.

Among the number of Americans who blame Mr. Trump for the riot, 57% said he bore significant responsibility for the attack, an increase of seven percentage points from those who said the same last year.

The number of Republicans who felt Mr. Trump was at fault for the attack also rose, with 22% saying he bore responsibility, compared with 11% in the previous survey.

The poll, conducted by AP and NORC Center for Public Affairs Research, surveyed 1,089 adults between Dec. 2-7, 2021.

The survey had an error margin of +/-4.1%.

More Workers Quit Than Ever in November as U.S. Job Openings Remain Near a Record.

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A record number of Americans quit their jobs in November, even as employers found it slightly easier to fill their open positions.

More than 4.5 million people voluntarily left their jobs in November, the Labor Department said Tuesday. That was up from 4.2 million in October and was the most in the two decades that the government has been keeping track. The rate of quitting has been especially high in hospitality and other low-wage sectors, where workers have been taking advantage of strong demand to look for jobs with better pay or working conditions.

There were 10.6 million job openings posted on the last day of November. That was down from 11.1 million in October, but still more than in any month before the pandemic began — and far more than the roughly seven million Americans looking for work.

“Employer demand is still extremely high, and the result of that is increased competition for workers,” said Daniel Zhao, senior economist at the career site Glassdoor. “That means more job openings, higher wages and more churn in the labor market.”

Competition for workers has led to faster wage growth this year, particularly for those changing jobs. Hourly wages for job switchers were up 4.3 percent in November on average, compared to a 3.2 percent gain for people who stayed in their jobs, according to data from the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta.

The data released Tuesday is from the Labor Department’s survey of job openings and labor turnover, known as JOLTS. On Friday, the department will release data from December on employment, unemployment and earnings, which most forecasters expect to show that job growth accelerated at the end of the year.

The data in both reports, however, predates the recent explosion of coronavirus cases across the country. The latest Covid-19 wave, linked to the Omicron variant of the virus, has forced airlines to cancel flights, businesses to delay return-to-office plans and school districts to return temporarily to remote learning. How that will affect the broader economy, Mr. Zhao said, remains unclear.

“The data that we’re getting now isn’t fully capturing the impact of Omicron,” he said.

Biden says postponed 5G rollout by telecom giants is ‘step in the right direction’

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President Biden on Tuesday hailed the decisions by AT&T and Verizon to postpone their planned rollouts of 5G information networks near airports over fears of widespread disruption to air travel and shipping.

Calling the delay “a significant step in the right direction,” Mr. Biden said he was grateful to the telecom carriers for acting in good faith with the government.

“This agreement ensures that there will be no disruptions to air operations over the next two weeks and puts us on track to substantially reduce disruptions to air operations when AT&T and Verizon launch 5G on January 19,” Mr. Biden said in a statement.

The president said officials from the Federal Aviation Administration and the Federal Communications Commission had been meeting with experts from the wireless and aviation industries to discuss a solution. Those talks resulted in AT&T and Verizon agreeing to delay their 5G plans, Mr. Biden said.

Both carriers said late Monday they will hold off activating their “fifth-generation” 5G services — which could potentially bring massive increases in data and communication speed for users — near airports until Jan. 19 so officials will have more time to study potential disruptions.

“At Secretary [of Transportation Pete] Buttigieg’s request, we have voluntarily agreed to one additional two-week delay of our deployment of C-Band 5G services,” AT&T said in a statement. “We also remain committed to the six-month protection zone mitigations we outlined in our letter. We know aviation safety and 5G can co-exist and we are confident further collaboration and technical assessment will allay any issues.”

The agreement was struck after aviation industry officials threatened to sue the Federal Communications Commission to keep the rollout from taking effect on Jan. 5.

In December, the Federal Aviation Administration warned that it planned to ban pilots from using key aircraft instruments amid concerns that 5G signals could interfere with the devices. The FAA said blocking pilots from using the instruments could lead to widespread flight delays and diversions.

David Bowie’s extensive music catalog is sold to Warner

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NEW YORK (AP) — The extensive music catalog of David Bowie, stretching from the late 1960s to just before his death in 2016, has been sold to Warner Chappell Music.

More than 400 songs, among them “Space Oddity,” “Ziggy Stardust,” “Fame,” “Rebel Rebel” and “Let’s Dance” on 26 Bowie studio albums released during his lifetime, a posthumous studio album release, Toy, two studio albums from Tin Machine, as well as tracks released as singles from soundtracks and other projects, are included.

Financial details of the sale were not released. Warner Chapell is the music publishing wing of Warner Music Group Corp. Bruce Springsteen sold his catalog to Sony Music last month for a reported $500 million. Among others that have sold their catalogs in recent years, either in part or in their entirety, are Bob Dylan, Neil Young and Stevie Nicks.

David Bowie, born David Jones in London in 1947, died in January 2016 after battling cancer for 18 months. As a performer, Bowie had unpredictable range of styles, melding European jadedness with American rhythms and his ever-changing personas and wardrobes. The gaunt and erudite Bowie brought an open theatricality and androgyny to popular music that changed the very meaning of being a rock star. He was inducted into the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame in 1996.

Last year Warner Music Group reached a deal with the Bowie estate that gave Warner Music licensed worldwide rights to Bowie’s recorded music catalog from 1968.

Copyright © 2022 The Washington Times, LLC.

NATO foreign ministers to huddle ahead of Russia talks on Ukraine

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Secretary of State Antony Blinken and foreign ministers from NATO‘s 29 other member nations will gather virtually Friday ahead of a string of key diplomatic meetings with Russia aimed at trying to defuse mounting tensions over Ukraine, NATO officials said Tuesday morning.

The meeting, to be chaired by NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg, is just the latest sign of a rising urgency over Ukraine, after Russia has mounted a major build-up of troops and weaponry in recent months on its side of the border and demanded Kyiv drop any plans of ever joining the Western military alliance.

U.S. intelligence agencies say Russian President Vladimir Putin now has the forces in place to launch a military incursion into Ukraine within weeks if he so chooses. President Biden and European Union officials have vowed to impose harsh economic and financial sanctions on Moscow if it does invade.

U.S., European and Russian officials are set to meet in a trio of meetings starting Jan. 9 in Geneva, Brussels and Vienna in an effort to defuse the crisis and deal with a string of security “guarantees” that Mr. Putin has demanded.

Russia claims its military build-up is a response to increasing militarization by NATO countries on its borders and the prospect of Ukraine and perhaps other countries joining the NATO alliance.

Mr. Biden and Mr. Stoltenberg have criticized Moscow’s recent saber-rattling and said no outside country can demand a veto over who joins the alliance.

Russia seized the Crimean peninsula from Ukraine in 2014 and has been backing a pro-Moscow separatist movement that now controls a chunk of eastern Ukraine and is engaged in a grinding civil war with forces of the Western-backed government in Kyiv.

Why Silicon Valley Can’t Escape Elizabeth Holmes

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SAN JOSE, Calif. — In 2016, start-up founders sang, “Theranos doesn’t represent, we are better,” in a holiday video created by the venture capital firm First Round Capital.

Over the next few years, several columnists wrote that Silicon Valley shouldn’t be blamed for Theranos.

Last month, Keith Rabois, a venture capitalist, said on Twitter that articles connecting Theranos with Silicon Valley culture contained “more fabrication than anything ever uttered by Trump.”

The technorati in Silicon Valley and beyond have long tried to separate themselves from Theranos, the blood testing start-up in Palo Alto, Calif., that was exposed for lying about its abilities. But the fraud trial of the company’s founder, Elizabeth Holmes, has shown that just as Bernard Madoff was a creature of Wall Street and Enron represented the get-rich-quick excesses of the 1990s, Theranos and its leader were very much products of Silicon Valley.

The usual refrain went like this: Theranos was more a health care company than a tech company. It raised money from wealthy families and people outside the tech industry, while insiders saw through the hype.

But testimony and court exhibits in Ms. Holmes’s nearly four-month trial, which was capped on Monday when a jury found the entrepreneur guilty of four of 11 counts of fraud, starkly underlined her participation in Silicon Valley’s culture.

Ms. Holmes, 37, used the mentorship and credibility of tech industry big shots like Larry Ellison, a co-founder of Oracle, and Don Lucas, a Silicon Valley venture capitalist, to raise money from others. She lived in Atherton, Calif., amid Silicon Valley’s elite and was welcomed into their circles.

She also used the start-up playbook of hype, exclusivity and a “fear of missing out” to win over later investors. She embodied start-up hustle culture by optimizing her life for the maximum amount of work. She dismissed the “haters” and anything that interfered with her vision of a better world. She parroted mission-driven technobabble. She even dressed like Steve Jobs.

No industry wants to be judged only by its worst actors. And many venture capitalists who heard Ms. Holmes’s impossibly lofty claims didn’t fall for them. But if anyone in Silicon Valley was suspicious of her proclamations, none spoke publicly about it until after things went south.

Immediately after The Wall Street Journal exposed Ms. Holmes’s alleged fraud at Theranos in 2015, some prominent tech investors even rushed to defend her in a bit of kneejerk tribalism.

Even the judge who oversaw Ms. Holmes’s case, Edward J. Davila of U.S. District Court in San Jose, Calif., agreed that Silicon Valley culture was an essential piece of her trial. He allowed her lawyers to discuss the tech industry’s overly optimistic puffery as part of her defense.

“It’s common in Silicon Valley for promoters to engage in that type of conduct,” Judge Davila said in a hearing in May before the trial began.

At its best, Silicon Valley is optimistic. At its worst, it is so naïve it believes its own hogwash. Throughout her trial, Ms. Holmes’s lawyers argued she was simply a wide-eyed believer. Any statements that weren’t entirely truthful, they said, were about the future. It was what investors wanted to hear, they said.

“They weren’t interested in today or tomorrow or next month,” Ms. Holmes testified. “They were interested in what kind of change we could make.”

Soon after Theranos got started in 2003, Ms. Holmes used her vision of the future to win over investors and advisers like Mr. Ellison and Mr. Lucas. Mr. Lucas, who was chairman of Theranos’s board until 2013, was involved with more than 20 investment vehicles that backed Theranos. Those included his son’s venture firm, Lucas Venture Group; another vehicle, PEER Venture Partners; and trusts and foundations associated with members of his family.

Mr. Lucas introduced Hall Group, a real estate firm that put $4.9 million into Theranos, to Ms. Holmes. His nephew’s firm, Black Diamond Ventures, invested $5.4 million. Other Silicon Valley investors included ATA Ventures and Beta Bayview, a fund operated by Crosslink Capital.

Mr. Lucas and his son have since died. The Lucas Venture Group didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Dixon Doll, founder of the Silicon Valley investment firm DCM, also invested, as did Reid Dennis, founder of the venture firm IVP, which has backed tech companies such as Slack, Twitter and Snap. Draper Associates, founded by the venture capitalist Tim Draper, also invested in Theranos, as did two funds operated by his other firm, Draper Fisher Jurvetson.

A DCM representative said Mr. Doll had left the firm more than eight years ago, and a spokeswoman for DFJ declined to comment.

In a statement, Mr. Draper said Ms. Holmes’s verdict concerned him because it suggested that America’s spirit of entrepreneurship was in jeopardy. “A willingness to bet on these entrepreneurs and their visions has made Silicon Valley the innovation engine of the world,” he said.

Not everyone who heard Ms. Holmes’s pitch was wowed. Bijan Salehizadeh, an investor at Highland Capital Partners, said he did not invest in Theranos in 2006 because Ms. Holmes was unwilling or unable to answer most of his questions.

But as Theranos’s fund-raising made headlines, Mr. Salehizadeh questioned his judgment. Venture capitalists who hung out at the Rosewood Hotel on Sand Hill Road, one of Silicon Valley’s main arteries, in Menlo Park, Calif., began buzzing about the company, he said.

“They were like: ‘This hot Theranos thing — you as a health care guy saw it and didn’t do it? How could you have possibly passed on a unicorn if it was sitting in your office at the earliest stages?’” he said.

Ms. Holmes used that hype to reel in bigger checks from wealthy families, including heirs to the Amway, Walmart and Cox Enterprises fortunes. Industry insiders also offered their endorsement. The media mogul Rupert Murdoch met Ms. Holmes at a Silicon Valley gala hosted by Yuri Milner, a tech investor. Mr. Milner praised Ms. Holmes to Mr. Murdoch, according to “Bad Blood,” a book by John Carreyrou, a former Wall Street Journal reporter.

Brian Grossman, an investor at the heath care-focused hedge fund PFM Health Sciences, learned about Theranos through Thomas Laffont, a co-founder of Coatue Management, a prominent investment fund with a San Francisco presence. In an email that was part of the court filings, Mr. Laffont gushed that Theranos had “one of the most impressive boards I’ve ever seen” and said Mr. Grossman’s firm should let him know “ASAP” if it was interested in an introduction.

Coatue did not respond to a request for comment and PFM Health Sciences declined to comment.

As Theranos brought in more shareholders, Ms. Holmes tightened her grip on the company, ensuring she would control the voting power even if the start-up went public. Chris Lucas, founder of Black Diamond Ventures, explained on a call with other investors, which was recorded and played in court, that this was typical for such companies.

Ms. Holmes’s supervoting shares were “just like some of the other high-flying companies in Silicon Valley,” he said.

In 2014, DFJ bragged about its investment in Theranos on Facebook. “Proud to have backed Elizabeth Holmes and Theranos for over a decade, as her very first investor,” the firm wrote.

The next year, when Mr. Carreyrou was investigating Theranos’s claims for The Journal, Ms. Holmes embraced Silicon Valley’s favorite form of deflection: Label anyone who asks hard questions a hater. Before Mr. Carreyrou published his first exposé about Theranos, Ms. Holmes and her partner at the time, Ramesh Balwani, who was the start-up’s chief operating officer, poked fun at the reporter’s French heritage.

“Proud cynic,” Ms. Holmes wrote in a text message to Mr. Balwani.

“Cynicism and skepticism are diabetes of the human soul,” Mr. Balwani responded. “No one should be proud of diseases.”

After the Journal article was published, Ms. Holmes used a rebuttal embraced by many in the tech industry. “This is what happens when you work to change things,” she said in a TV interview. “First they think you’re crazy, then they fight you, and then all of a sudden you change the world.”

In the years since Theranos collapsed, more tech start-ups have followed its strategy of looking outside the small network of Sand Hill Road venture capital firms for funding. Start-ups are raising more money at higher valuations, and deal-making has accelerated. Mutual funds, hedge funds, family offices, private equity funds and megafunds like SoftBank’s Vision Fund have rushed to back them.

Mr. Salehizadeh said Silicon Valley’s shift to a focus on fund-raising over all else was one reason he had left to set up a private equity firm on the East Coast. The big money brought more glitz to tech start-ups, he said, but it had little basis in business fundamentals.

“You’re always left feeling like either you’re an idiot or you’re brilliant,” he said. “It’s a tough way to be an investor.”